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Religion Investigation in ancient Egypt Stephen Quirke < Span> Investigation of ancient Egyptian religion

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Religion's exploration of ancient Egypt Stephen Quirkysenov Egyptian Religion Religion

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Religion's exploration in ancient Egypt Stephen Quirke

This edition first appeared in 2015 © 2015 Stephen Quirke Registered office John Wiley & Amp; Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK editorial offices 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 9600 GARSINGTON ROAD, OXFORD, OX4 2DQ, UK THE ATRIUSE, SUSSEX, PO19 8SQ, UK For more information about our global editorial offices, for customer service and for information about how you can request permission to reuse the copyright protected material In this book, please refer to our website www. wiley. com/wiley-blackwell. The right of Stephen Quirke to be identified if the author of this work is confirmed in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Nothing from this edition may be reproduced, stored in an automated data file, or made public, in any form or in any way, whether electronic, mechanical, by photocopies, recordings or any other way, without prior permission from the publisher. Wiley also publishes her books in various electronic formats. Some content that appears in printed form may not be available in electronic books. Indications used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service brands, trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not connected to a product or supplier mentioned in this book.

31-dc23 2014017662 A catalog record for this book can be found in the British Library. Cover image: Detail of the outer sarcophagus of Khonsu from the Tomb of Sennedjem, Luxor, ca. 1270 BC Egyptian Museum in Cairo/photo © Jürgen Lipe. Typed in 9. 5/12pt Utopia by SPi Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India, January 1, 2015.

Prefacevi 1 Faith without a book

A proposal for a new book on ancient Egyptian religion is a twofold challenge: first, to do justice to the vast range of existing studies on everything the subject can encompass, and second, to find the most productive terrain for those interested in and actively working in those broad areas. The Palestinian-American writer Edward Said once launched a frontal attack on anthropology as a whole from the alien domain of English literary studies to an anthropological audience (Said 1989). In the deconstructive approach of the time, every word in the title of his article became an invitation to work more seriously with words, to appreciate how the ground of our study shifts like sand in the field of language users. His aim was not to remove the ground for inquiry but to conduct every inquiry in full awareness of its difficulty. Said is most famous for his longer attack on European studies of the Arab world (Said 1978), where his methods and conclusions have long been both criticized and applauded. In that broader debate, readers sympathetic to his motivation have raised fundamental objections to the primacy given to the literary, objections that I share (Ahmad 1994). Nevertheless, Said's article on anthropology offers a cautionary model to follow, particularly in Egyptology, which is considered part of the study of human societies. Rather than taking a term for granted, I would never underestimate the weight of the baggage we bring with us from the twenty-first century ac

This is a problem worth exploring - an active research programme awaiting ever new investigations and discussions. To remove the obstacles of vocabulary, or at least to make them visible, researchers can draw on a variety of sources: first, the entire archaeological material, and not just the selection prevalent in Egyptology, which focuses on ancient writings and representations; second, comparative anthropology and cultural studies, as well as the wider circles of the social and historical sciences. Many Egyptologists have championed and worked on comparative approaches, and my aim has been to follow their example. Chapter 1 also introduces some of the places and deities featured in the sources, and here every author writing in a language foreign to the people who wrote these sources must become a translator and make a selection, consciously or unconsciously. The names in this and every other Western European language are translated into Latin scripts like English, as they are preserved in the ancient African script of Kemet, the Egyptian hieroglyphs, and their manuscript variants. These scripts preserve the hard and constant edge of the sounds of speech, called consonants in English, but not the movements between them, called vowels in English. This "consonantal script", also known from many other scripts, is perfectly suited to conveying the meaning of many languages, including Egyptian; the alphabetic script makes reading Egyptian more difficult, not easier, because the words are written on

Indirect sources such as antiquity and medieval writings in other scripts are used to appreciate the ancient sound behind the writing (e. g. on, senwosre). In the entire book I tried to follow the less ambitious second approach, whereby I accept some European forms for names, especially where the original consonant core is not safe (i. e. Osiris instead of Wesir/Asseir and ISIS instead of iset ). In the endeavor to get as close as possible to the tangible evidence, I risk to create confusion through unusual versions of old names. In particular, the place names may seem unnecessarily different: Abu for Elephantine, and even two names for Memphis, Inebhedj for the early old empire and Mennefer from the late old kingdom. I would like to ask the reader to understand my selection again as a request, to think about our distance to the world examined, and, whatever the choice of the readers, to make the choice consciously and on the basis of evidence. In chapters 3-7, the exploratory approach is tested to open up a wider or other spectrum of sources in archeology and in comparative studies. Every chapter contains

Faith without book

Word worlds: ancient and modern religion? In this book I want to address the questions about life in ancient Egypt that most speakers of modern European languages would summarize under the word religion. A more neutral way of formulating the core question is: how did the inhabitants of ancient Egypt express their place in the worlds of the Nile and the Sahara and their relationship to each other, to other peoples, and to the forces and characteristics of life? The terms religion (from Latin) and philosophy (from Greek) can be used for these topics, but both are firmly part of European history and therefore carry associations that thwart or obscure attempts to understand non-European contexts. The French writer Jacques Derrida has emphasized the specifically Western European weight of the word and concept of religion (Derrida 1998). If we replace the word religion with the word faith, there is the same danger of imposing alien ways of thinking on other peoples (Davies 2011). Today, the statement "I believe in one God" defines that the speaker does not believe that there are many gods, that he has one faith and no other. Such affirmations place faith in a system of choices in which personal belief can be built on the rock of a holy book, as with the Torah of Judaism, the Christian Bible, and the Quran of Islam. Before and outside the idea of the holy book, faith and belief cannot be matters of choice between opposing systems. The religions of the book explicitly point to other possibilities of belief or apostasy.

In a society, even in a deeply religious society, because religion is expressed in other religions and other beliefs such as agnosticism or atheism and, for example, describes them as superstition, paganism or apostasia. Instead, most sources for ancient Egyptian society relate to a single form of expression of being in the world: the form of expression does not apply to a part, but for the entire social life - as well as reading and writing capacity most of the Western European or East Asian society can cover. After 525 BC Chr. Lon g-term foreign rule brings other belief systems more than before to the Niltal. The Achämenid-Iranian rule (525-404, 343-332 BC) introduced Zoroastric ideas and some larger Jewish communities in Egypt; The Macedonian-Hellenistic rule (323-30 BC) then installed the Greeks. As Egypt after 30 BC A province of the Roman Empire became the pace of Hellenization, which was strongly accompanied by the conversion to Christianity from the third century AD, which became state religion from AD 31. With these changes, the last millennium of the ancient Egyptian religion seems to include a mixed environment that is structurally closer to today's world of different belief systems (see the contributions in Clarysse et al., 1998). In contrast, in the history of Egypt of the first written mention (3100 BC) until the beginning of the Achämenid-Iranian rule (525 BC), only once a choice was expressed once than new and now only option: in the years 5-17 during the rule of King Akhenaten. For this

Faith without a book

Egyptologists have highlighted this reign as a watershed in the history of religion, as the first visible example of monotheism or belief, and as an exception that illustrates what ancient Egyptian religion was like for the rest of that 2, 500-year period (Assmann 2001). Akhenaten's rupture may be particularly compelling to twenty-first-century readers, because they can more easily understand it as a choice of belief that confirms the contemporary significance of religion. In other periods, without this apparent choice, the words belief, faith, and religion may stand in the way of understanding the lives and self-expression of people of the past. Šiuolaikinės senovės pasaulių studijos Žodžiai, apibūdinantys studijų objektami, nėra vienintelės kliūtys: ne mažiau rimtų kliūčių kelia ir pačių studijų žodžiai bei praktika. Per pastaruosius 200 metų buvo sukurtos atskiros universitetinės disciplinos, skirtos visuomenių studijoms. Nepaisant pastangų atlikti tarpdisciplininius tyrimus, universitete gali būti atskirta archeologijos kateta praeities visuomenėms tirti, anthropologijos - šiuolaikinėms mažoms visuomenėms, sociologijos - šiuolaikinėms didelėms visuomenėms, istor ijos - rašytiniams documentams, o meno istorijos - vaizdiniams šaltiniams. Panašiai kaip praeities ir dabarties skirtingų medžiagų gamintojai perima vieni iš kitų formas ir technologijas, kiekviena disciplina sukūrė elektrovius methodus ir požiūrius, kuriuos kitos disciplinos vėliau gali perimti savo pagrindinei sričiai tirti. Paimkime du svarbius pavyzdžius, Religijos tyrinėjimas Senovės Egypte

the recovery of the available evidence can be distorted as much by the term Egyptology as by the category religion.

Three Obstacles From the experience of preparing a workshop in Berlin on animal cults in ancient Egypt, Egyptologist Martin Fitzenreiter identified several major shortcomings in Egyptology, with significant implications for the modern question of religion in ancient Egypt (Fitzenreiter 2004): Eurocentrism, overemphasis on written sources, and lack of theoretical reflection. Eurocentrism Egyptians today speak Arabic, and people from different cultural backgrounds around the world show great interest in Egypt's ancient past. Yet Egyptology at the beginning of the twenty-first century remains predominantly a European-language study in institutions with a European form: research university and, to a lesser extent, museum.

Faith without a book

Egyptologists explored monumental temples and graves, and the settlements did not apply prehistoric archeology, so our knowledge of ancient society was constant gaps and distortion (Moreno Garcia 2009). When the Europocentric philological Egyptology adopted the object of ancient Egyptian language by its subject, they could define ancient Egypt as a single linguistic community, tangible in space and time through ancient manuscripts and notes. In the 19th century. And especially in the 20th century. In the history of the beginning of the 19th century, the linguistic field of emerging nations may have given an indirect natural definition as the earliest natio n-state. However, in Egyptological practice, the letter was more important than the language. Although the Egyptian language is still written today by a Gree k-based Coptic alphabet and, although the Coptic language is taught in many departments of Egyptology, Egyptologists retain the ancient hieroglyphic pattern as a distinctive sign of their research area. Their choice is based on interrupted Greek, Latin precedents,

Exploration of ancient Egyptian religion

Anthropology has developed the strongest self-criticism, with knowledge of great prospects for the future of Egyptology and archeology (Asad 1973-Fabian 1983, 2007). Sel f-criticism has the power to return beyond the sciences to their most human motivation, a description of a society where we seek to understand and not to control the other, knowing that understanding only avoids control when it is possible to resist the other side. In his positions on the philosophy of history of 1940, Walter Benjamin warned that even the dead are not safe from the deadly impositions of the present (Benjamin 1968 translation [1940]). The moment of danger does not pass. If we aim to hear, but also to study, the people of the past of Egypt during its centuries with written testimonies to Egyptian Scriptures, the safest way can be within the comparative social sciences, incorporating progress in understanding provided by Philology. In this approach, the study of religious practice or ideas for life can begin as an effort based on the open source to recognize what its members of this

Loyalty

our vocabulary for cultural and material practices may be inadequate. Even our most general categories turn out to be unexpectedly recent: Timothy Mitchell has charted the extraordinarily late (mid-twentieth century) development of the contemporary meaning of economy in European language (Mitchell 2002). General terms for dimensions such as economic, political, religious, and social can be useful filters for filtering and analyzing evidence. Yet in practice they continually blur and overlap, and the way we use each term in the set must influence our understanding of each of the others and of the whole set. Our approach will differ depending on whether we use society, culture, or ethnic group as a label for the totality, however porous and ephemeral we may find them. If we do not define our terms or rethink our categories, we are likely to simply reproduce the dominant ideas of our place and time. This problem, Research on Religion in Ancient Egypt raised by Marxist historians (de Ste Croix 1989), should concern anyone interested in studying any society, because those dominant ideas may not automatically apply to our particular area of study.

An altägyptische Definition von Religion? The Composition of the King as a Priest of the Son for the Dimension of Religion that Jan Assmann explains in his last five years of product development, understanding in a western German theological and literary context. Aus eight Quellen, who consider themselves with the King and their Scriptures, that Assmann reconstructs a comment on altägyptische Scripture, which no ancient title trägt und von ihm Der König als Priester der Sonne was annulled. One Schlüsselstelle erklärt, warum der schöpferische Sonnengott Raden nswt, den „König“, auf der Erde einsetzte (Assmann 2001, 3-6): Der Sonnengotttt den König auf der Erde der Lebenden ein, für immer und Ewig, om zwischen den Menschen zu richt und die Götter zufrieden would be set, the right would be abolished, the Böse would be fulfilled, the Göttern Opfergaben would be brought, the given Toten Stimmopfer would be brought.

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the written tradition or the debate about monotheism and polytheism (as in Hornung 1996), which is extensively discussed in Egyptology, both with reference to the definition of the word netjer (which is used in Christian scripture in its Coptic form noute as a translation for the Greek theos, "god") and to the ten years during which King Akhenaten focused worship and sacrifice exclusively on one deity. According to Fitzenreiter, the shift in emphasis from word to practice allows greater attention to recurring and prominent phenomena that were marginalized in earlier histories of Egyptian religion, such as ancestor worship and divination, oracles, and the phenomena studied under the heading of animal cults.

Using Written Sources in Context Eurocentrism, logocentrism, and disciplinary isolation will not be overcome in one step, and Fitzenreiter's challenge cannot be met until more studies have been conducted on a wider range of sources, drawn from archaeological surveys and fieldwork, as well as from new studies of material culture. If the focus on written sources is to continue, research can at least be put on the most productive footing possible by following Assmann and striving for the greatest possible awareness of partiality and context. In one of the most important disciplinary divisions, the division of archaeology and history, misinterpretation on both sides has resulted in a mutually reinforced lack of trust and interest between those who study the past. History tends to place the written context above the material context without discussion, while archaeology dismisses all written sources as elitist without defining the elite (a problem that also exists in sociology, see Scott 2008, 27). In place of this stalemate, a material primacy could be recognized within which writing provides a more indirect access to peoples in the past, one with the power of human language (Morris 2000). All writing can be biased towards a particular view, but archaeology can help identify and analyze bias because it provides a context for each manuscript and inscription. Typically, this context is not direct or primary, since most written material survives only second, third, or fourth hand at the sites of deposition or inscription. Yet even secondary or tertiary

Study of Religion in Ancient Egypt

Language and political language can act in both written and spoken form and a medium for expressing or creating change or continuity in a society. According to one view of language, words not only label phenomena in a fixed reality, but they are rather one of the means with which people model and construct social life. In a social and historical context there are collective forces around individual speakers. To appreciate and analyze these forces in words, we can take over the concepts of United Language/Centralizing Monoglossy from the Russian literary theoreticist Mikhail Bakhtin compared to various dialects/centrifugal heteroglossy (Hirschkop 1999). There is a danger that our interpretation will become on e-dimensional, where heteroglossia as heroic opposition to Monoglossia is placed as the epic voice of a tyrant. On the other hand, the supplementary linguistics of Italian political writer Antonio Gramsci can keep the precise size and impact of monoglossie and heteroglossie open in any context for historical research (Ives 2004). The two extremes of the European twentieth century scare these two writers. In Russia, Bakhtin had to live with the deadly effects of a uniform official vocabulary and speech during the Stalin terror years before and after the Second World War, including false processes, mass executions and massive convictions. For Bakhtin, the single sober voice (Monoglossia) meant a literal death sentence, even if, unlike his

almost forces others to model their resolution according to the center's resolution. GAMSCI admitted that dominant people in society can best express their place in the world and adapt its expression to maintain the place. On the contrary, for those whose life is dominated by physical work, only a part of the resources to articulate and share outside the local horizons would be available. In order to describe and analyze fragmented reflections of people working in physical work, GAMSCI subtly used folklore label (Crehan 2002). These unifying and fragmented and prestige concepts can be productive to Egyptologists. They can help explain the changes in ancient Egyptian written evidence over time, as well as to give the basis

Faith without a book

evaluate the social status of any particular past verbal expression. Social understanding of language is the essential basis for involvement in written sources in archaeological research of the past. Nearly, it makes others model their resolution according to the center's expression. GAMSCI admitted that dominant people in society can best express their place in the world and adapt its expression to maintain the place. On the contrary, for those whose life is dominated by physical work, only part of the resources to articulate and share outside the local horizons would be accessible. In order to describe and analyze fragmented reflections of people working in physical work, GAMSCI subtly used folklore label (Crehan 2002). These unifying and fragmented and prestige concepts can be productive to Egyptologists. They can help explain the changes in ancient Egyptian written evidence over time, as well as to give the basis

Faith without a book

evaluate the social status of any particular past verbal expression. Social understanding of language is an essential basis for involvement in written sources in archaeological research of the past.

Because ancient writing is my own research focus within the evidential spectrum, it undoubtedly remains too central to this book. This introduction is intended to make the reader fully aware of this bias. In addition to the visual arts and architecture, material culture and the less tangible fruits of modern extensive archaeological fieldwork remain to be explored. Only a collective staff could muster expertise to cover all possible domains, and a full history of religious practice would require new multidisciplinary research. Within these constraints, a philologist introduces the field, noting the separate and combined limitations and possibilities of each of the domains.

Exploring religion in ancient Egypt

in its range of source types. In the distance, the impossible ideal of a total history remains a powerful framework for interpretation and motivation. In a society, those with the most economic resources can determine the material form and content of production, as well as the ideas that influence all parts of society. Research can focus on these dominant structures and their influence and investigate to what extent some gaps in our knowledge can be filled, for example the religious practices of fragmented dominated groups, including most of the population in ancient agriculture and pastoralism, or groups that are less visible in written and visual source material, because of their age, gender, type of work or ethnicity.

After the revolution of January 25, 2011, new directions in the research of the past in Egypt could arise, and the Arabic could reappear to the European languages as a leading research medium. As much as we hope for this, we have to learn from the lack of changes in exactly this area after the 1952 revolution, despite the Panarabism and Panafricanism funded by Gamal Abdel Nasser until the 1960s (Hassan 2007). Century the global centers are shifted to southern and East Asia; The effects of this development on Eurocentric academic studies, including anthropology and archeology, remain uncertain. A relocation of the prestige centers could create new space for no n-European studies, including Arabic studies on Egyptian certificates, regardless of whether they are divided into the same time blocks as now or not. On the other hand, Eurocentrism could not be replaced by Egypentozentric or Afrozentrical studies, but by the lack of studies and thoughts, which is equivalent to a gap in humanity, a failure that is denounced in Islam with the Arabic word Jahaliya, "ignorance". The better future is not in the hands of established Egyptologists, but in those of a new generation of thinkers, especially in Africa, including Egyptian Egyptologists, but also in the whole world of thinking and creativity.

Elementary and source landscape forces and resources The unique environment of Egypt combines two extremes that in the ancient Egyptian names Kemet, "Schwarzes Land", for the fertile Niltal and Delta and Deshret, "Red Land", for the Sahara desert with its mountains, levels and Sand oceans from hiking dunes are expressed. The valley houses a rich flora and fauna; In the desert cliffs and mountains there are quarries with hard and soft stones, mines with precious metals and paths to other countries. The dividing line between Kemet and Deshret was around 3000-2500 BC. Chr. As today, when the climate passed into the hyperaride phase, which still guarantees almost no precipitation throughout Northeast Africa between the Central Studan and the Nildelta (Wengrow 2006). With the insertion of hyperaridity, the Riveraue as a social field became much more closed. The extent of the closure can be exaggerated, as in

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An Egyptological myth about the uniquely isolated ancient Egypt. In practice, the isolation seems to have been more relative, as the movement patterns of the majority of the population were dominant; the borders of the desert are always open to crossing, but the desert oases were never as densely populated as the river valley, and agricultural settlements could only occasionally interact with desert nomads. Before the regulation of the river in the 19th-20th centuries. (Tvedt 2003) The Black Land separated from the Red Land every summer in a tense drama as the river rose unpredictably. Summer rains in the highlands of Ethiopia swelled the river, first seen in Egypt at the First Cataract around mid-July, when the reservoirs at Elephantine could gurgle in anticipation and the water became muddy. In August and September, full-scale flooding occurred, with the low-lying river plains slowly or excruciatingly filling until any higher ground became islands in a vast, elongated lake flanked by desert on both sides (Butzer 1974). Until November most of the floodwaters spilled into the Mediterranean, leaving behind a layer of fertile black silt. These annual floods had fundamentally different effects on the human populations of the Black and Red Lands, depending on their lifestyles. The commercial nomad, the herdsman, and the sedentary farmer needed to respond at different speeds to secure collective or individual resources. Those who lived above the highest predicted flood level could h

Exploring an ancient Egyptian religion

Figure 1. 3 Nile's flood (Egyptian Ha'py) in double forms as two men with hanging breasts and binding the upper and lower egypt. Engraved block from King Merenptah's Palace in the past fer, about 1225 BC. W. Petrie, Memphis I, London 1909.

en Sentraisert Stat (Wittfogels Tese om Hydraulisk Orientalsk Despoti, Tilbakevist av Butzer 1974). Det Gamle Jordbrukets Årssyklus Forsvant på 1800-Tallet e. kr., da Elvedammer Muliggjorde Langt Større Kontroll Over Vannet, Med Vanning året Rundt. For oldtiden er samspillet mellom større og mindre bosetninger, mellom by og land, og mellom ulike Grupper innad I bosetningene, I stor grad ukjent.

The city and the archaeological sources of the countryside in the countryside are poor, but up to 4000 BC. Agriculture and livestock farming are visible in settlements and cemeteries along the desert edge in the uphill area. The annual river floods have destroyed most of the testimony of the lives of the past people who had lived in the most vas t-t o-reach freshwater instead of the floodplain area. If they have lived anywhere in the floods reached in later centuries, their homes, along with the countryside in the floodplain, are buried below the accumulated meters of sediment deposits. If they lived on higher islands of land above the flood, most often the same land is still populated land, and therefore their homes today are under modern cities and populated areas, waiting for archaeological research in the future using more sensitive methods. Alongside the fields, ancient homes are more accessible alongside the fields, and some of the bes t-known ancient cities have been made along the Sahara's edge in the Nile Valley (Lahuna, the Middle Kingdom, Amarna of the New Kingdom) (Fig. 1. 4).

1. 4. Image in the middle of the Nile floodplain in Egypt, where Bahr Jusef, the side branch of the Nile, flows approximately parallel to the main river. © Wolfram Grajetzki after Kessler 1990.

Around 3200 BC BC formed larger settlements in Nekhen and Nubet in the southern Oberägypt, the later historical centers (Trigger 1983). Even then, the Niltal offered at least two different forms of urban life: the high island in the flood level, where the residents became islanders during the autumnal flood months, and the desert edge, where the island of life on one side through the constant presence of the Sahara And on the other hand, the temporary penetration of the Nile was formed. If we now take a look at how the residents of the ancient Niltal and Delta experienced and put their lives, we have already dealt with a greater range of life experiences than our term "the old Egyptians" implies. To the differences in life chances depending on the age and gender and around 3200 BC. Depending on the social class, the different ecologies of city, agricultural and desert dwellers with their different seasons and rooms are added. Even within a unit that we could assume that it is relatively homogeneous, the farming village, the historians of the younger rural Egyptian warn us about our assumptions about the life of the fall of the case (the Arabic word for farmers): the Egyptian peasantry was not a homogeneous Mass. Century, the village society comprised economic classes, which ranged from "big" landowners with 50 feddan or more to small farmers and landless. (Cuno 1988, 133)

Verinant Senovinius Posakius Apie Mūsų, Kaip Žmonių, Vietą Pasaulyje, Galima Tiksetų atsakymų apie kiekvieną iš socialinių Grupių, Kurias Rereškia Žodžiai kaimas, miestas, kaimas ir dykuma.

LAIKA IR ERTVėS Blokai: Senovės Egiptas Kaip Ekologijų Grandinė Iš Egipto Geographijos Patrits įvairovę Visoje juodojoje Žemėje Galima nustatyti Ekologijos Arba Gyvenimo Būdo Lygmeniu. Tuomet ekologista vienetas tampa lemiamu veikksniu gramsci pateiktamen religijos apibebrėžime: religijos problema, suprantama ne confesine, bet pasaulietine prasme kaip tikangujimo viene- imo vienetą vadinti "religija", o ne "ideologija" ar tiesiog "Politica"). (Gramsci, ed. Gerratana, Quaderni del Carcere II, 1975, 1378)

Religijos Tyrinėjimas Senovės Egipte

Lentelė 1. 1 Senovės Egipto Laike Ir Erdvės Blokai Regionas (Su Šiuolaikiniais Miestais)

Pietinė aukštuctinio egipto dalis (nuo asuano iki luksoro) Šiaurinė aukštuctinio egipto dalis (nuo luksoro iki ašiuto) vidurio egipto dalis (nuo ašiuto iki suefo)

Siaura Užliejama Lyguma, Smilainio Uolos Ir Dykuma

Fayoum Northernmost Valley (Cairo) Western Deltarand and Wadi Natrun Central Delta slat Eastern Deltarand and Wadi Tumilat

Wide floody, limestone rocks/desert wide floody, Nile branch, limestone rocks/desert outflow pelvis of Nile branch, forms oasis W van Nijl narrow floody, limestone rocks/desert flooded edge, desert plains, sodal/salt deposits, floody, hervel, brewing, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, brewed, battles' beans, battles' beans, brewed, battles' bore.

Again, following Gramsci, we could define regions in terms of their mutual relationships, in a chain of adjacent different ecologies. This approach suggests eight units within the Nile Valley and Delta from the first cataract to the Mediterranean Sea (Table 1. 1 and card 1. 1). Instead of this multiple identity, old written and visual sources emphasize the duality of Egypt according to different models: Shema ', Upper Egypt, and Ta-Mehu, Lower Egypt; Idebwy, the two river banks; Or deshet, red land, and kemet, black land. A small number of written sources from the second millennium before Christ confirm the different status of region 1-2 as TEP-res, "head of the south," divided at Waesset (present-day Luxor), or as Khen-Nekhen, "Rearland ( ?) Van Nekhen ” - Nekhen is a city in the center of region 1 (Quirke 2009-2010). For the red country, the western desert has wel l-followed trading roads and the large oases of Dakhla, Kharga, Bahriya, Farafra and, further to the west, Siwa, while the eastern desert has roads to quarries and over the Red Sea, especially by the Wadi Hammamat that separates from Qift/Koptos or Qena, and further to the south of Nekheb (Friedman 1999). It is uncertain to what extent the Egyptian language dominated these desert areas. From the second millennium BC, the term for Egyptians was Remetj-en-Kemet, "people from the Black Land," perhaps not with the exclusion of the red country, but rather as the place of residence of the overwhelming majority of the established population. Different readers can choose different numbers of regions to test evidence and claims.

The time of Kemet: Dynasties and periods for time layouts within the third to first millennia BC use Egyptologists a framework of 30 or 31 Dinastiai, "Groups of rulers", from a history in the Greek of third-century Egyptian writer Manetho. His work has mainly been preserved in early

Faith without book

8 Hutswaret/Per-Ramses Powbast Nateahut

Map 1. 1 The regions of Egypt as defined by the arable landscapes, with the central cities of 3000-525 BC. © Wolfram Grajetzki.

Viduramžių Graikų Ir armėnų Santraukos, Kartais Prieštaraujančios Viena Kitai (Waddell 1940). Kiekviena Dinastija Identifikuojama Pagal Miestą, Galbūt Todėl, Kad Manetonas Manė, Jog Miesto Dievybė Saugo ten Gimusiuosius. Tai Jau Rodo Skirtumą Tarp Jo Ir VeNesnių istorikų Laiko Sampratų. Kai Kurias Grupes Galima Patvirtinti iš šaltinių, Datuojamų Konkrečiais Valdovais, O Kai Kurios Apima Vienos Šeimos Narius, Kaip Ir Europeiškoje Dinastijos Sampratoje. Tačiau daugelis grupavimų feprasideda ir nesibaigia su nauja Šeima, o kai kurie gali būti kilę iš senovinių Šaltinių revizijų (malek 1982) arba literatūrinių priemanių ankstesennensnensnensennens

Religijos Tyrinėjimas Senovė Egipped

Wczesny Dynastyczny Stare Państwo Wczesny Późny

3 Do Wczesnego 4 Późny 4-6

Tylko Inebhedj? Abdju-Inebhedj/Mennefer

First Intermediate Period (Division) 2200-2050 7/8-9/10 to early 11 Middle Kingdom Early 2050-1850

Late 11 to mid 12

Late 12 to mid 13

Second Intermediate Period (Division) 1700-1550 Late 13 to 15 to 17 New Kingdom I 1550-1350 Early/mid 18 II 1350-1325 Late 18 III 1325-1200 Late 18-late 19 IV Libyan (United)

Late 19-20 21 to mid 22

Third Intermediate Period (Libyan, Divided) 850-725 22-23-24 Napata/Cushite

Saite Achaemenid Late Dynastic

664-525 525-404 404-343

26 27 28-29-30

Waset-Henennesut-Mennefer Waset-Mennefer (from 1950 Itjtawy) Waset-Abdju-Itjtawy-Hutwaret Waset-Hutwaret Waset-Mennefer-Perunefer Akhetaten-Mennefer? Waset-Mennefer-Perunefer/ PerRamses Waset-Mennefer-Natahut Waset-Mennefer-PerBast-Djanet Waset-Mennefer-PerBast-Sau regions As TIP but under Napata, 671-664 Ashur Waset-Mennefer-Sau As Saite but under Persepolis/Susa Waset-Mennefer-Sau-Tjebnetjer- Djedet As Saite but under Persepolis/Susa

Faith without a book

Figure 1. 5 The sepat, “provinces”, Neit south and Neit north, depicted as kneeling figures of the Nile flood, bringing the abundance of water and food offerings, representing power (was scepter) and life (looped ankh hieroglyph). Red chapel of the joint rulers Hatshepsut and Thutmes III, circa 1475 BC, temple of Amun-Ra, Karnak. © Gianluca Miniaci.

I am informing you about this nationally, galima gauti i š daugybės senovės rašytinių šaltinių, kuriuose išliko konceptuali Egipto geografija, sudaryta iš trisdešimt devynių sepatų, „rajonų“ arba „provincijų“, nuo Asuano iki Deltos pakrantės (1. 5 pav. ir 1. 3 springlė: dažnai egiptologai nurodo 42 sepatus, tačiau šis skaičius aptinkamas tik kai kuriuose Ptolemėjaus laikotarpio šaltiniuose; žr. Helck 1974). You are now in the XVIII dinastijos ant formalizuotų matavimo lazdelių, siūlomų šventyklose arba dedamų į vyresniųjų pareigūnų laidojimo reikmenis, sepatai surašyti į les les ir suderinti su uolekties padalomis, standartiniu 52. 5 cm ilgio matu (Schlott-Schwab 1981). Šioje amžinoje lentlėje visi centrai nustatomi vienodo lygio, be istorinių kintamųjų, susijusių so kintančiu gyventojų skaičiumi, police reikšme ar kultūrine production. Nepaisant to, svarstant šaltinius, kuriais remdamiesi kuriame bet kokį senovės Egipto vaizdą, translated patikrinti your chronologinį ir geografinį pasiskirstymą pagal šią senovinę idealią langelę, nes didesnis vinetų skaičius leidžia atlikti išsamesnį vertinimą ir išryškina, kokia fragmentiška išlieka šaltinių bazė.

Preservation: geological and historical factors The list of provinces illustrates the enormous gaps in Middle and Lower Egypt in the preservation of temple walls, one of the most important sources of inscriptions and depictions in modern descriptions of ancient Egyptian religion. If we add the temples

Exploring the religion of ancient Egypt

Table 1. 3 Ancient Egyptian sepat, "religious provinces" Upper Egypt Name of sepat with (modern use) number

1. The land of the bow

2. Throne of Horus 3. Nekhen

Reconstructed gate foundations Foundations Foundations Substantial blocks, foundations Intact

Extent of preserved temples Before 332

5. Twin Gods 6. Iq (crocodile form) 7. Bat 8. Tawer 9. Khentmin 10. Wadjyt

Horus Nekhbet, Sobek Amun Mut Khons Ipet Min, Isis Hathor

Hutsekhem Abdju Ipu Tjebu

Hathor? Boat? Osiris My Nemty

11. Seth (?) 12. Iatfet 13. Nedjfet fore

Shas-hotep Per Nemty Saut

14. Lowered behind 15. Wenet

Khnum Nemty Wepwawet, Anubis Hathor Thoth

16. Mahedj 17. Input 18. Nemty

Hebenu Saka Hutnesut

Horus Bata, Anubis? Nemtywy?

Not located Not located

19. Wabwy (?) 20. Naret in front 21. Naret behind

Late 11 to mid 12

Igay? Heryshef Khnum/Horus

Not located Blocks, foundations Not located

Hathor Sobek, Horus

Not located Blocks (the area was overbuilt in the 1990s)

Nekhen Nekheb Waset

Intact foundations Intact blocks Foundations Under the city? The Nile destroyed in 1821

Not located Gateway

Faith without a book

Table 1. 3 (continued) Lower Egypt Name of sepat with (modern usage) number

4. Neit South 5. Neit North 6. Khasu 7. Wa'mhu West 8. Wa'mhu East 9. 'Andjety 10. Kemwer 11. Hesbu 12. Tjebnetjer 13. Heqa 'andju

Djeqa'per Sau Perwadjyt Possess? Peratum Djedu Hutherib [Count Moqdam] Tjebnetjer Iunu

SekhmetHathor Sobek Neit Wadjyt

15. Heb? Djehuty? 16. Hatmehyt

Not located Not preserved Limited remains Not located Limited remains Not preserved Blocks Not preserved Not preserved Enclosure, blocks, obelisk Not identified/ preserved Not identified

Atum Osiris Khentkhety ? Inherited-Shu Ra/Atum

Not located, under village? Not preserved Not preserved

Which was built for the perpetual cult of the rulers during their reign, including the pyramid complexes of the ancient Empire and the Inte r-Empire, a similar pattern is drawn. The bes t-preserved structures are all sandstone monuments in southern upper Egypt, with the exception of the limestone monuments in the pyramid complexes and associated cemeteries from Fayoum to Giza, and buried temples at Abdju. In this architectural geography, natural history is combined with human intervention. The geology gave the Egyptian builders two main stones, coarser sandstone and finer limestone. From the central Sudan to as far north as the southern upper Egypt, the Nile has

The valley is surrounded by sandstone desert and quarries; from Vazetus (Thebes) to the delta, so most of the Nile Valley of Egypt, the surrounding desert rocks and their quarries are limestone. Since the builders used blocks from nearby quarries for most of any stone structure, most of the stone temples of southern Upper Egypt are of sandstone, with the northern outpost being the late Ptolemaic and early Roman Temple of Hathor at Dendera, and the stone temples from Vaset (Thebes) to the Mediterranean - from limestone. Recycling was a common practice in many, if not most, periods, but the Romans introduced a new way to recycle limestone: it could be burned to produce the lime necessary for the plaster used to cement the new civic architecture. By the end of the fourth century AD, Christianity had become the exclusive official religion of the Roman Empire: the temples, which had been without institutional funding since the third century AD, suddenly became the sites of a huge industrial enterprise - the burning of lime. It took as much effort to dismantle monuments as it did to build them in the first place, so it is not a local village-level iconoclasm, but a mass expression of national or state will. In many places where limestone monuments once stood, lime-burning kilns have been excavated, some of which are dated by coins to the 4th century. end - 5th century AD end (Petrie 1890). In summary, ancient architecture in Egypt survived under three specific circumstances: The structure is too large to be dismantled

some news is derived from sporadic excavations in this wide area; The base of the structure could be identified as the remains of an unusual artificial mound that lifted the main RA ', the place of sun worship (Contardi 2009). Mennifer is still a mystery; Visitors often show a low temple site as Ptaha Temple, but its inscriptions and pictures indicate that it was for King Ramzes II cult, and it seems to be directed to the west against the original Ptaha temple, possibly buried under the famous medieval village mit Rahina (Malek 1992). The PTAH temple has a unique name-Hut-Ka-Ptah, Ptah Ka-Delve property, which may have originated in the Greek Aigytos, which in turn is the source of the names of the Western European country, including English. It seems that the Egyptian sanctuary once has flown here that it has become the same name; However, we do not know why the holy place, unlike other Egyptian holy places, should be identified as the deity of the dance, not the deity itself, and we do not have information on the form or plan of this Ptaha Hut-Ka (Figure 1. 6).

Water level

Afbeeling 1. 6 de Hoge Heuvel Van Iunu, Zoals OPGETEKENDEKEND DOOR Twee Archeologen uit Het Begin van de Twintigste Eeuw Eeuw Na Christus: (A) E. Schiaparelli, Hertekend Naar F. Contardi, Il Naos di Sethi i da i da. And Monument Per Il Culto Del Dio Sole, Milan 2009, P. 14 (B) W. Petrie, Heliopolis, Kafr Ammar, Shurafa, Londen 1912.

Beyond written sources: Gramsci clay brick architecture noted that "every religion ... in reality is a variety of different and often contradictory religions" (Gramsci 1975, 1397). So we could not assume a modern understanding of religion, with buildings and books, but instead, instead, on a comparative search for how other groups of people have historical parts of life as intensive or separated, i. e. in our terms as sacred . If we turn to historical periods from geography with its spatial analyzes to analyze them according to periods, we could create a slightly different list of architectural sources by date. Here we could not look at the most visible, but the least tangible, where archaeological techniques and questions have made both a lot of pure data and the most important new insights into how different groups of people live or have lived. From the evidence of the smallest units, about each

Research into religion in ancient Egypt

Structuros Ir Gyvenvietės Mastą, Galėtume Vėl Atkreipti Dėmesį į Mažiau Centrines Išlikusias Šventyklas, Pavyzdžiui, Netoli Badario, AukštuTinio Egipto Pasienyje yrius). Čia Didžiabai Pažanga Nilo Slėnio Archeologijoje Buvo Pasiekta Už Pagrindinės Egiptologist's cryptic ribų, Atlikus Tyrimus Ikidynstiniamame Egipte Ir į Pietus Esančioje Sudano Ir EgipTo Nubijoje (Edwards). Įrašai Senovės Egipto Laika Erdvėje Tebėra Mažiau IntenSyviai Plitedjami, Naaisant Svarbių Pastarųjų Dešimtmečių Analizių (Lehner 2010). Kasinėtų Vietovių, Iš Kurių Paskelbti Nedidelių Gyvenamųjų Būstų Planai, Sąrašą Būtų Galima Pradėti Nuo Tokio Projecto Kaip 1. 4 Lentelė. DIDESNį Geografinį-historian mastą galima gauti iš kapinynų, visada atsižvelgiant į skirtingas išlikimo Galimybes ir, dažnai nepastebimus, laidojimo papročių skirumus. Laidojimo Papročiai Skyrėsi Kas Labiau, Nei Paplitusi net Tarp Egiptologų Nuomonė, Kad Senovės Egiptiečiai Viską Pasiimdavo Su Savimi; Net ir Turtingesnės Grupset Tik Dviem Egipto isorijos Tarpsniais, Maždaug 3000 m. Pr. m. e. Suvienijimo Laikartarpiu IR 1450-1300 m. Pr. m. e. DIDžIAUSIO KARINIO ACTYVUMO VACARų AZIJOJE LAIKARPIU, Kapavietes SU Pilnu Inventoriumi aprūpindavo tik dviem Laikatarpiais. Besikeičiantys laidojimo ir laidojimo ProPročiai daro Didelę įtaką atrinktam gyvybės Leidiniui, Kuris Mums Prieinamas Kaip Laidojimo įranga (7 Skyrius). Kai Kuriose 1. 4 Lentelė Kai Kurios Svarbiausios Egipto Archeologijoje Paskelbtos Gyvenviečių Vietos Data Pr. m. e.

Writer without books

At certain times, a small selection of goods were given to wealthier men and women, as if to support them on a final journey rather than as a store for eternity. More often, the graves of younger women were and infants protected by amulets and jewelry, as if they had not lived long enough to see puberty or birth rites (Dubiel 2008). In addition to differences over time, significant differences are expected to influence the general view of downwardly imposed normative image can be nuanced, adapted or overturned within the individual periods. With improved knowledge of the history of burial rites, a researcher can examine the records of cemetery excavations as another, ever-mediated mirror of life. In different sites, we can look less for monumental or written claims of activity and first for more direct material traces of action. Votive deposits are the primary sources of offerings, and their study has begun to fill the gap with a broader archaeology of religion (Pinch 1993). Similarly, food and drink containers and floral remains would provide the essential evidence that the feasts depicted in the chapels actually took place. Archaeological floral and animal finds put the visual and written sources for the rites of daily and festive offerings and celebrations into context. Some activities may only be available to us in written and visual form, such as the words and gestures of hymns and other ancient performances and practices. Finally, ethnic

Ancient Practice and Modern Prejudices in Distinguishing Elite from Popular Religion One of the most deeply rooted modern assumptions that permeates representations of ancient Egyptian religion is the opposition between official cult and individual practice. Such distinctions have proven to be a mechanism for legitimizing our own practice and devaluing that of others. In the history of religions with a founder figure (so including Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism), later reform movements express the need to return to the first generation, when the founder was still alive, in order to regain the purity of an original form of practice. These movements label all intermediate developments as deviations, but can themselves be denounced as deviations from the founder's original intentions or mission. In Western European history, the Reformation and Counter-Reformation in the sixteenth century AD are dramatic examples of this violent religious history. A Muslim parallel to Luther or Calvin might be the Wahhabi movement in Arab Islam in the eighteenth century AD. The vocabulary used against religious opponents within an established religion includes, on the one hand, accusations of superstition, magic or witchcraft and, on the other,

others of an empty official cool or ritual devoid of sincerity. Perhaps the motivation for attacks and counte r-attacks lies in a political and/or psychological need to know who is sincere in their religious practices, and who is not. Sincerity and purity tend to be placed outside the institutions and their buildings, which can be perceived as corrupt and commercialized. In a particular historical context, there may be strong evidence of the charges against the institutions and a strong need for reform. But there may also be human boundaries for the ability to identify the sincerity and falsehood of others, and therefore there may be strong human driving forces to institutionalize the distinction between sincerity and falsehood through new forms of religious practice that explicitly reject others. When modern writers look at practice in other communities, and especially in other times, they struggle to set aside ingrown thinking. The European opposition approach seems to be already determined by the enlightenment of the 18th century about an inaugurated elite, a manipulative priesthood and a gullible population. From this model, Egyptologists have asked if there was a population religion outside the monumental temples, and implicitly set similarities between temple and church, mosque or synagogue. Later Egyptologists from the twentieth century, these assumptions acknowledged, and therefore considered instead whether the official cult could be a small part of a religious world that included practical religion with practices that included ancestral cult.

A related, equally persistent fallacy is that a religion of the poor can be recognized whenever and wherever cheap, often organic materials, sometimes in forms requiring little time or skill, are used for offerings, rather than visibly artfully made or inscribed materials—as if the rich were making the things they use themselves. The offering of a lump of clay does not automatically say anything about the social status of the offerer; a particular sacrificial practice might instead require the needy person, or out of gratitude, to make an offering with their own hands, where a rich adult and a poor toddler can achieve similar material results. A more sensitive recording of archaeological contexts can be followed by a more open comparison of contexts, with a conscious self-criticism to recognize as much as possible of the bias that each of us brings to drawing a picture of the past: implicitly, the picture must become a communal and open-ended enterprise.

Suspending Assumptions To avoid automatically assigning a particular form or material to a particular point on an assumed social scale, we can reformulate these assumptions as questions for new research. Age and gender categories are among the most destabilizing frameworks, both in a society and in the analysis of that society, for setting up continuous processes of change within the body of the person/group and for disrupting the tendency of description to produce a static picture of the society described. Useful models can be sought here in areas where the assumptions are least active, for example in predynastic studies (Hendrickx, Huyge, & Wendrich 2010) and Sudanese archaeology (Edwards 2005). Within the written record in the ancient Egyptian language, clues to at least the explicit construction of identity at birth and adolescence can be sought in the broad social spectrum documented in personal names. While the wealthier strata of society are most visible in the material data in general, the legal and administrative data from the third to the first millennium contain manual workers in at least as large numbers, although still not proportional to the total population (the written data show a high percentage of the highest officials, as against only a fraction of the total population, but the total number of names recorded will be in the low thousands for both the less and the more well-to-do). In general, no great difference can be found between the social classes in any period.

The local anchoring of the personal name in local Temple Cult is a very important finding for the study of the relationship between different sectors of society in relation to deity, as it indicates a simple social field, with emphasis on the king and the local deity - without the class sharing introduced in the studies of popular or practical religion. This finding justifies a closer examination of the written and visual submissions of Netjer Niuthy, "Building Judge", in the largest cities of ancient Egypt (Assmann 2001, 17-27).

On discovery in religion in ancient Egypt

Tabel 1. 5 Netjeru, "The Goodness", In de SePat, "Religieuze Provincies" 1. Netjeru, "Godheden", In de SePat, "Religieuze Provincies". Aantoonbaar Als HoofdGodheid in Meer Dan één SePat Naam Van Godheid Hoofdvorm Amun Man Met Dubbele Valkpluim, Ram Met when Beneden Gekrulde Hore Anubis Anubis Jakhals/Halsman Atum MAN DUBBELE KROON HATS Valk/Valkhoofige Man Met Dubbele Kroon Isis Vrouw Mete Troon Hiëroglief (ISIS) Ram Met Horizontale Horens/Ramhoofige Man Khnum Mine Man Met Rechtopstaande Fallus, Gewikkeld Lichaam, Opgeheven Arm Die Een Vasthoid Vasthoud Neit Vrouw Met Roni e man, Seth Dier Osiris Man, Gewikkeld Lichaam, dragged Hoofdtooi van Struisvogelpluimen Sobek Krokodil/Crocodile Hoofy Man Thoth Ibis/Ibishoofige Man, Baviaan Opgefokte Cobra, Vrouw Mettytkop, Vrovon Erd Als Belangrijkest Godheid in Één SePat Bast Leeuwenkopvrouw, Kat Vleermui's Menselijk Gezicht Met Koeienhoorns, Op Shelf Ram Met Horizontale Hoorns/Ramhoofige Man Heryshef Igay Zeldzaam Khentkhety Valk/Valkhoofige Man, Crocodile Khentykhem Valk/Valkhoofig Ier/Vrouw Met Gierenhoofdtoi Ptah Man Metal Omwikkeld Lichaam Die Keppel dragged the SATE VROUW MET HOG HOORS EN PLUIMHOOFTOTOOI SETH DIER/SETH DIERHOOFIC MAN SOPED MAN MET LONG BAARD, DUBBELE PLUIMHOOFTOOI WEPWWAWET JAKHALS, JAKHALSHOOSHOOFIGE MAN

Faith Without a Book

There are also no examples in which the more old sources only show an animal form and the more recent only an animal head. Probably the choices between body and head offer complementary means to visualize the being or the power that is evoked with the same name through the history of this religious art. At a simple level, the composition principle of rhythm and harmony may have been, in which artists resisted radically different forms within a row of deities, especially where the king is or walks or sits between them. Even at the simplest, pragmatic level, a human body could most fluently serve a composition in which a deity mentioned must be on a throne or hold a scepter. Other artistic principles could have led to other results, for example with birds that hold high scepters or fou r-legged friends on seats; Such choices are found in ancient Egyptian sources, on manuscript-visual descriptions of an inverted world (such as in the so-called satirical papyrus of Turin, from Waesset, about 1250 BC, Omlin 1973). Preference for human bodies with an animal head

Research into religion in ancient Egypt (BI)

Figure 1. 7 Synchronized differences: Different images of deities as human, animal with head, animal and object within the period 3100-2900 BC: (a) Stones come with inscription of a deity as a standing man in a sanctuary, identified by the aforementioned three single-consonant hieroglyphs such as the God Ptah (Semenuhor cemeteries, grave 231, about 3100 BC); (b) Two forms of one deity on one seal print, (I) Falcon and Falcon's head, generally identified as Horus, and (ii) mixed (?) Animal and humans with the same head, generally identified as Seth (images reconstructed of mud stamp prints found in graves of kings from the late second dynasty, abdju); (c) Thenesses depicted by means of living animals and various objects, (i) Wilde (?) Wilde (?) Bull in an oval housing (second register) and (ii) emblem with crossed arrows in a straightforward housing (first register) (wooden label with Name of King Aha, found in graves of kings from the first dynasty, Abdju). From (a) W. Petrie, Tarkhan I, London 1913 and (B) and (C) W. Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties II, London 1901.

1. 8 pav. Kalkakmenio stela su dviem atvaizdais - karvės ir suaugusios moters, abu su karvės ragais ir saulės disku, kurie hieroglifų užraše tarp dviejų girdinčių dievybės ausų bendrai įvardyti kaip Hathor, šienpjovių valdovė. Iš Menneferio, apie 1300 m. pr. m. e. W. Petrie, Memfis I, Britų archeologijos mokykla Egipte, Londonas, pl. 28. be recognized as specific choices within the framework of a particular idea and desire for harmony - and not as a natural or inevitable means in a system of visual rules. A comparison of the frequent depiction of the same named deities in full animal form generally confirms that this is not an attempt to show a different kind of divine nature, but a choice guided by the aim of the composition. A named deity may be depicted as a falcon or hippopotamus, especially in scenes where the differences between the deities (as in late and later catalogues of gods) or between the deity and the worshipper (as on votive steles from the New Kingdom and later) are emphasized. Completely animal forms are also more common when a deity is represented alone, as in votive sculpture. However, there are also cases where a visual composition incorporates other principles of duality or symmetry, where different forms are juxtaposed without such spatial logic (Figure 1. 8). In such cases, the plural, perhaps even antisingular image can be recognized as a strategy to communicate a multifaceted divine presence by employing visual means, while a hymn might use combinations or sequences of names or phrases to identify the elusive deity. describe. Given the current state of affairs, an assumed historical development from animal to human form seems implausible, since it is never recognizable in the decisions of the creative producers.

Ancient and modern reproduction of the forms of netjeru Late period and later bronze figures of deities can give the impression of infinite variety, especially when the individual images accumulate in temple deposits or, more importantly, are assembled at different sites in modern times

Research into Religion in Ancient Egypt

as the falcon can be a form suitable for depicting Ra, Horus, and Mont, or the lioness for Sekhmet or Wadjyt.

Visual Forms as Poetic Metaphors As in any language, the elements in this visual repertoire gain their meaning through the scope and context of their use, often most clearly seen at the point where they are not used. The form of the lion-headed woman may not automatically evoke an eye of Ra (power emitted in anger by the creator), because not all images labeled the eye of Ra have that form. On the other hand, anger in a broader sense may be a core idea in the lion metaphor. In reading the visual and the verbal together, it is perhaps easiest for modern readers to regard any visual (or verbal) composition not as art but as poetry—as Ogden Goelet advises us to read ancient Egyptian literature on the afterlife in the same frame of mind that we would use for surrealist poetry (Goelet 1994). By

Faith without a book

Each visual form as a metaphor that needs to be deciphered, we can get closer to the goals of the composer. Various written sources, literary and others have survived, and can help interpret visual forms by reducing associations that we could consider to be natural for each form. For example, the cow's shape is more reliable to identify with maternal love because the verb Ames, the "care" of the hieroglyphs, ends with a hieroglyph, depicting a cow, turning the calf to its udder. Before this interpretation, archaeological field works and research provide the context of material culture and ecology of each period, which is necessary to understand words and images. Rare compositions combine different forms, emphatically demonstrating several faces of deity. In one stunning, perhaps 1st millennium BC. m. e. In the middle of the middle, four goddesses, possibly Hator, are connected: a cow, rising cobra, a woman with a lion's head and a woman with a solar disk and a cow's horns (Louvre E26023). Four forms create a distinctive impression on the number four, distinguishing this quadruple divine power from others. Such combinations are not common in any period, especially such a larg e-scale stone image, perhaps to perform a cult image function on a place where the goddess would be sacrificed. In some cases, Hator is portrayed as a maternal cow that provides milk to the king, forever effective as a statue in the sacrifice chapels; best preserved

Splitting and fusion in the name of Netjeru The combinations indicate different possibilities of the construction of images and the development of names: While the four-fold Hathor statue opens a single name for subgroups that split into several deities, the creator images merge the multitude To a single one and open the possibility of merging. Both directions can be found frequently in the two and a half thousand years and may be easiest to understand as changes in the focus. In a sense, every name for us identifies what an antique group wanted to delimit as divinely or found it to be differentiated; Even at a certain time, the areas delimited by the strategy of naming can overlap. Over time, the singular effect of an area or a force could be regarded as a multipel, and each of the multiple parts could be considered sufficiently separate to maintain offerings, sometimes under different forms. Horus could be visualized as Horus the child and then the child of a certain place; In a certain context, the image of a child God could only refer to this localized presence of a divine force. In some contexts, a sequence of different forms of expression may be necessary for a divine force; In the rituals of the embalming, four forms of the anubis can correspond to the four directions or the four tasks that are required for physical operation. Claude

Religijos Tyrinėjimas Senovės Egipte

1. 9 PAV. Hatoro Ir Karaliaus Amenhotepo II Statula, Rasta Uoloje Iškaltoje Koplyčioje Šalia Hačepsutos ir Tutmeso III ŠVENTYKLų, Kurią dengia vnames deir al-bahari vienuolynas, esantis vazeto vacariniaME crant. Dabar Statula Yra Egipto Muziejuje Caire; Nuotraukoje Statula Pavaizduota Originalioje Vietoje, Tik Ką Atidengta. E. Naville, Deir El Bahri I, Egypt Exploration Fund, London, 1895, Pl. 27.

Traunecker has noted the influence of architecture on historical processes of division, in that certain architectural features, such as symmetrically arranged chapels or a series of symmetrically arranged slots in a wall register, can create spaces in which sacred qualities can be repurposed as whole names (Traunecker 1997). By this theology of the wall, the quality of the good sister, in Isis (in the late Egyptian Tasenetnefret), can be separated to provide the harmonious rhythm of the wall or temple chapel, and Tasenetnefret can stand as an independent deity who receives her own offerings, and as a separately recognized sacred quality to which the people of that time and place decided to offer their space and, in some cases, their offerings. Likewise, over time, the two realms may have merged into a composite form (syncretism), as in the dominant New Kingdom combination of Amun-Ra, where the representation of the cosmic force of the 'hidden' (Amun) Imen was combined with the representation of the cosmic force of the 'sun' (Ra), the source of light and heat, to commemorate three possible realms: Amun, Ra, and Amun-Ra. Rather than being puzzled by the decision to leave all three as options, we can understand each case as the choice of the ancient inscriptionist or composer to focus on one or both of the sources of cosmic power.

Ancient descriptions of the No n-Verifying: Hymns and stories to understand the common traits of disregard and their individual identities, Egyptologists have studied three types of antique patterns: hymns, descriptive treatments and stories. In the hymns, the recitator defines sets of actions or characteristics of no n-NEMER (ET), where the hymns can be compared to each deity, cataloged commonly or characterized by one name. The focus was on the Hymns to Osir and the Sun God as the Creator. Occasionally, the conventional praise frame is expanded, including clearer links to the relationship between the immunes (see section 4, Amenmes stel). In treatments with descriptions of religious geography, deities are more often combined into statements about actions. The treatises can include sun walking through world and underworld coatings, the main motif of the graves of the new kingdom, and the dramatic portrayal of the world in the ceiling of the grave of the world, and the unique god Osir's tombstone-sacrum behind the King's Temple in Abzd/Abydos. It is more difficult to architecturally localize the free Basalt block carved in the Napatan rule in Egypt, preserving stories about creation and reigning in menefera/Mempho (Shabak Stone). Overall, modern researchers are based on narrative sources, where the actions are more clearly described. However, longer stories of deities are so rare that Egyptologists have HAV

Without privileged or prior role for a chronological succession of episodes. Even from an anachronistic position the religions of the book do not have to be taught, and they do not become that, from a story from birth to death of the founder, but instead they start from the most important rules of conduct that the founder forward are brought. These ethical rules of life can certainly be placed in the life story of the founder of religion, such as in annual festivals that call Genesis and Exodus, the birth and death of Christ and the lif e-changing journey of Mohammed. Yet it is precisely the annual rhythm of the religions that every episode bears meaning for the believers through the link with the leather of the founder, instead of as a didactic story where you always start at birth and end up with death. Every umbrella story can be built over time, but does not have to be completely present at any time. In addition, in the educational practice ethical advice and the guiding content of sermons and sayings have priority over biographical storylines. The direct relationships are for every party, ritual and other social action

Research into religion in ancient Egypt

της πράξης στη θεϊϊ τους Διάσταση θα αποτελούσε ισиiendê σημείο εκκίνης α loft ραπama μγαπama μην είκε ποτέ χρειαστεί μέ looks που, στον πλούταρο, μια ελληνική παροση αγης συιτα α α αeater αι α α α nel Howeverumα ασα sueater αι=νπ dimenthied α α α α α α α α iffuisα. Το ανομουμε ή όχ τις σ201έσεις μεταξύ Netjeru, «μύο», όταν εφράζονται απogr τον αγνώστη: Δεδομένης της γενικής τρέέκος αγλικις, ωρήσης, ο οama οonic ο έξ ipp γχση όταν εφαρμάζεται σε μια μοινωνία που Δεν αφηγούνταν πρΩike creamken τον θεϊκicles της κάσμο. Οι πηγές αυτές Διερε goeszen σται σεφάλαιο 4.

The monumental scale of the well-preserved temple architecture and sculpture led later generations to caricature ancient Egypt as a land dominated by priests and superstition. The temples in question, however, were not designed to accommodate crowds of people to hear sermons or readings, but rather as containers in which the encounter between victim and deity could be held safely. As a place of sacrifice, the sacred architecture had to be stocked with goods and staffed to keep the place clean and the offerings flowing every day and during festivals. In this sense, there is no clergy, only a temple staff (Egyptian wenut). Contrary to the idea of a separate priestly caste, written sources indicate that most servants were assigned on a monthly schedule. Anyone holding an office in the temple could serve for a maximum of three months a year, but possibly less. The rest of the time they probably worked outside the temple, which explains why men with a temple office often also had an administrative title - a reminder that work in the ancient world was not 9 to 5, 365 days a week. As discussed in Chapter 3, there was no single word for priest: the English word is used for a number of ancient Egyptian titles that presumably reflected different responsibilities but are difficult to separate in practice - God's servant, God's father, and pure. Perhaps the ancient word closest to our concept of priest is the nesut, the "king," who must be initiated into the sacred knowledge of the workings of life.

Trouten bok

King (and reign) Magic Myth Priest Temple Tomb Words will continue to circulate and most of them will be repeated in many chapters. The more the reader becomes aware of the problems that arise in using them to describe other worlds, the better the chances of establishing a dialogue with those worlds.

Sacredness: Absolute or Relative In a comparative study of sacred landscapes, anthropologist Jane Hubert reflects: "Not every stone or patch of earth can be treated with the same degree of respect. Does this mean that there are degrees of sacredness? Or are they again just limits in the understanding of the cultures and languages concerned?" (Hubert 1994, 18). In this sense, we might ask whether the people of Egypt 3000-525 would live their lives in constant appreciation of all matter and all being as imbued with divinity. Or is such comprehensive sacredness a projection from more recent European traditions? The anthropology of religion reveals the wide range of different human groups' conceptions of time and space, including the time and space of the body. Twenty-first-century citizens can distinguish categories of time and space, each divided into ordinary and special, for example between daily life and carnival days, or between unmarked space and separate, sacred or forbidden space. Space-time segments may shape our lives most strongly where we would not use the term religion. In contemporary urban societies, the most marked space might be a mental institution or prison, where physical separation is reinforced both by policing within and an external collective act of forgetting. In contrast to the patterns in secular urban landscapes, other societies might theoretically avoid demarcating time or space at all and instead consider all lived experiences sacred. Under

Sakrālā atrašana telpā un laikā

The Human Body People in the World: Separation versus Continuity In the traditional division in European languages between culture and nature, the impact of humans on the environment is contrasted with a world without people. Anthropologists and historians have explored other ways in which different societies can think about, or express, the relationships between people in the world. In a radical review, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro identifies outside the European tradition a widespread insistence on the continuity of all that exists. Only his term for it, perspectivism, seems still caught in other European traditions, where art, philosophy, and politics all maintained a belief in the individualized viewpoint of an all-seeing individual eye (introduction and critique Ramos 2012). Nevertheless, in his writing he addresses most directly the European instinct to classify and thus reduce all being to categories, beginning with animate and inanimate. Unlike Viveiros de Castro, Philippe Descola finds differences between human groups around the world in the way they relate the group member to others and to what European science would classify as nonhuman (Descola 2005). He considers different manifestations of physical exteriority and interiority of beings or, perhaps more neutrally, the tangible exteriority and intangible other qualities. The logical product of these two options would be a quartet of possible combinations, where in each encounter with another physical being, the thinking individual 2. Unterschied Körperlichkeit, unterschiedliche Innerlichkeit 3. Unterschiedliche Körperlichkeit, ähnliche Innerlichkeit 4. Unterschiedliche Körperlichkeit, unterschiedliche Innerlichkeit

These four are not intended to confine people to descriptive labels, but as possible ways of seeing or thinking about the various narratives recorded from groups around the world. For this rethinking, Descola finds new uses for terms that have been defined in more than one way in previous generations, and provides examples, geographical distributions, and definitions for each: 1. Totemism: Other beings are thought to have similar external and internal characteristics; some Australian groups identify a knowledge-person with a species of animal (not an individual) that can help him and harm him when harmed; other Australian groups identify subgroups with species. 2. Naturalism: Physical structure is considered similar, but ethical and moral characteristics are different; in the European scientific approach, everything animal has similar bodily characteristics, distinguishing them from everything vegetable and mineral, but only humans have the characteristics of subjectivity such as conscience and free will. Utforskning av religion i det gamle Egypt 3. Animisme: Forskjeller i ytre fremtoning skjuler en underliggende felles indre identitet; So many blood lines, so many forskjellige arteries, so many menneske and jaguar, so many virkeligheten slektninger, so many grupper i Amazonas i Sør-America. 4. Analogisme: Både det ytre og det indre er forskjellig, i et stort artsmangfold som åpner for et like stort nett av analogier; vestafrikanske grupper uttrykker menneskekroppen som en hybrid sammensmelting av elementer, for eksempel samo-mennesket (Burkina) som en kropp bestående av kjøtt fra mor, blod fra far, pust (fra hjerteblod), nyìni-essens (fra kroppsblod) som genererer varme og svette, mental personligh et (forståelse, hukommelse og forestillingsevne), hukommelse og fantasi, kan være reinkarnasjon av en forfader), dobbel (udødelig essens som er unik for hvert individ, spores i skyggen, også characteristic for planter, dyr og noen livløse materialer som leire og jern), individuell skjebne (bestemmer levetiden) og navn.

Het Holy Vinden in Ruimte en tijd

Oeros Baviaan Hartbeest Olifant Honden

Hippopotamus Dog and goat

Figure 2. 1 The animal graves around grave 16 at site H6 in Nekhen. Drawing by Wolfram Grajetzki after the preliminary report by Friedman, RF, W. Van Neer and V. Linseele, 2011. The elite Predynastic cemetery at Hierakonpolis: 2009-2010 update, in Friedman, R. F. & amp; Fish, P. N. (ed.), Egypt at its Origins 3. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 205. Peeters, Leuven, 157-191. Drawing © Wolfram Grajetzki.

Religijos tõrejijimas Senovės Egipte

by a bull in the role of a herald (the Egyptian word is wehemu) called Menwer (Greek Mnevis), and similarly the creative force Ptah at Mennefer/Memphis had a herald bull called Hep (Greek Apis). These particular cults were closely linked to kingship, and from the third millennium BC an ethnic group of the Hep was part of the royal rituals. From at least the time of Amenhotep III (after 1400 BC), Hep bulls were buried in massive hardstone sarcophagi like kings, initially individually, and after Ramses II (from 1290 BC) grouped along large corridors at Saqqara. The herald bulls may have served as a model for the later practice of mass mummification of animals and birds. Unlike these, however, Hep and Menwer remained solitary animals rather than receiving special treatment over large numbers of animals of one species, and they had a more specific connection to the creator gods they served as heralds, Ptah and Ra. Diverse Beings Sharing Space: Domestic Animals, Humans, and the Food Chain Careful excavations of settlements have shown how animals could share habitat with humans, erasing our separation between rural, farming environments and urban life in at least some cityscapes (see section “Were All Creatures

Held sacred at Abu?"). However, the cemetery patterns only occasionally show animal burials among humans, confirming the written evidence for a strong distinction between remetj, "humans," and other living beings. Rare exceptions to this pattern are the sarcophagus of a cat and mummified dog bodies. In cemeteries associated with the kingship, mummified bodies of monkeys and even a gazelle are found. The practice of assigning personal names to individuals may also help to show demarcations between certain living beings and others. In addition to humans and deities (netjeru), personal names are found for dogs and, less frequently, for cattle; in a few cases a cat is named, but the name is always cat. This written evidence for naming practice does not fit neatly with the pictorial evidence for domestic animals; both anonymous monkeys and named dogs are found in depictions from the third and second millennia (Figure 2. 3). For the king, there are also depictions of accompanying lions, which are given names. The king, however, seems to be a separate category of being: from 3000 to 1100 BCE, the burials of kings are disproportionate to others, and word lists from the second millennium BCE separate nesyu, "kings," from netjeru, "deities," and remetj, "people" (Gardiner 1947). In these and other writings, people are divided into three groups, apparently according to the principle of concentric circles around the king: an innermost circle of bodyguards and closest courtiers is called henmemet, written with a sun disk and rays, and

... I bring to life geese and snakes sitting on the back of Heba (Earth), because I am truly life under a nut (sky). (From the Grove Text 80, Belle 1994, 132-133)

Research of religion in Ancient Egypt

Figure 2. 3 Limestone sarcophagus for a cat named there, which writes the same words used to obtain eternal life for people, commissioned by the High Priest of Bird Jhutimez, the son of Tsar Amenhotep III, about 1375 BC. Drawing © Tungsten Gray.

Sakralumo paieškos erdvėje ir Laike

Figure 2. 4 Ostrich egg, inscribed with a drawing of two deer and placed in place of the head, in tomb 1480, Naqada: from the excavations in 1894-1895 directed by W. Petrie, now Ashmolean Museum 1895. 990. Drawing © Wolfram Grajetzki.

The main figure is a man with a crippled leg, leaning on a walking stick. His condition has been identified by modern medical practitioners as a symptom of polio, and his stele seems to suggest that his condition was not an obstacle to integration into society (Figure 2. 5). Illnesses such as epilepsy could challenge the social order on a different, unpredictable timeline. Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert has identified a case from written sources in which seizures apparently prevent a man from helping with the procession of an image at festivals (at Waset, 1250 BC); he must be excluded from this important communal activity, but appears to have no other negative effects on social life. In addition to congenital conditions (where physical abilities are different from birth), Fischer-Elfert also considers the effects of physical changes in adulthood, where a person is no longer able to perform his social roles, either

Finding the sacred in space and time

Temporary or permanent and either due to physical inability, such as aging or injury, or by a cultural ban. If visible wholeness was required to enter the most holy places, someone with symptoms of loss of skin or change could be put out of office. A literary letter (from Hiba, 900-700 BC) describes the repeated exile of a man who served in a local temple; From his lamentation, his exile to desertoases and his extreme emphasis on the wishes of good health for the friend or patron who receives the letter, it appears that the man might be a temple employee who was put out of office after developing a contagious skin disease Like leprosy. The literary sources help to raise questions for archaeological excavations at cemeteries, our most direct physical encounter with previous lives. Separation and admission to cemeteries Persons with severe skin conditions such as leprosy were not found at cemeteries in Egypt 3000-525 BC. But the absence can only be a reflection of the rarity, even on the edges of the Sahara desert, of land conditions that were dry enough to preserve skin, worsened by the very limited publication of larger population groups. However, it is still possible that society from ancient times with visible decay shut out from her space after life, because she insisted that the body remained intact on the surface. The most spectacular exception is the body of King Ramses V with lesions that are typical of smallpox, a disease that would have been contagious enough to also kill his balmers.

Religious research in ancient Egypt

The features highlighted in the figures suggest that sometimes the dwarf could have been worshiped precisely because his body was of a child's height and his face was like that of old age. The same body proportions and bare legs are typical of a divine power with a leonine face, II millennium BC. m. e. in the sources it is called Aha, and in the 1st millennium BC. m. e. - Bes, a feature of images (see further text "Infant Burials at Home"). Respect for physical differences is found in chapter 25 of the Teaching of Amen emipetus, a literary composition known from the first millennium BC. m. e. early and middle copies, subject: Do not mock the blind, and do not torment the dwarfs, do not cause trouble to the lame. Do not torment him who is in the hands of a god, And do not be angry with him for his slips. People are clay and straw - god is the builder.

Figure 2. 6 limestone stele with the image and name of the dwarf Neferit from the relief burial M in the tomb of the First Dynasty king Semerchet, Abdyu, c. 3000. Ave. m. e. W. Petrie, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty, Egypt Exploration Fund, London, 1900, pl. 60.

Religijos Tyrinėjimas Senovė Egipped

Figure 2. 7 Scene of ritual insult of a bent man, on the limestone wall block of the burial chapel of the high officials Khentika Ikhekhi, begraafplaats van Inebhedj (Saqqara), around 2300 BC Drawing © Wolfram Grajetzki.

Elim Rim - Journalist, creative writer

Last modified 29.11.2024

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